The Anatomy of Revolution

This is a classic study into the nature of revolutions. Brinton compares the English, American, French, and Russian revolutions to uncover, or ‘invent’ uniformities that apply to all revolutions. The parallels of these major revolutions are of course imperfect, with the American Revolution as the most atypical. Brinton is careful not to draw conclusions of absolutes. His binding metaphor for society in the throes of revolution is that of a body being attacked by a kind of fever. At first there are premonitory indications that a disease is on the way, followed by actual symptoms, working up to a full fever in advances and retreats, and then delirium. When the crisis passes there follows a period of convalescence, with possible relapses. Finally, the patient emerges whole again, often the same as before, and often stronger for the ordeal.I will summarize Brinton’s observations, leaving out his copious supporting evidence and illustrative examples. Brinton assumes the reader has basic knowledge of the aforementioned revolutions, and for most he’ll add greater a understanding of them all.The preliminary signs of revolution are many and varied and often exist within a healthy society. It is therefore, difficult to call out these symptoms in advance. Much of the pre-revolution difficulties are economic; it is however the government - ‘the old regime’ - that is suffering financially, and not the society, which is not in a state of want but in fact may be thriving. An intolerable gap exists between what the people want and what they get; a feeling prevails that conditions limit or hinder their economic activity, the government simply does not work well. These feelings must be raised to a high pitch by propaganda, group action, public meetings, and most preferably a good old dramatic riot. The aggrieved group must be ‘wronged,’ and the word ‘justice’ and must appear before the revolution can get underway.Pressure groups begin to emerge which are willing to do more than lobby and make propaganda, they begin to plan direct action for supplanting the government. These groups are led by an excess of intellectuals, who are dissatisfied with the world, and yet are without experience of action and responsibility. At this point, the greater body of mainstream intellectuals may be alienated from the old regime, but still not committed to a need for action. Their allegiance turns against the old regime when they come under the conviction that what is, ought not to be, and therefore no longer should be.Another significant moment in the evolution of the revolution is when upper classes make cause with lower classes. There is a sharing of ideals as the lower look up to the upper classes and the uppers step down to the lower. The upper classes that have risen in height, but have not closed the final gap between them and the ruling classes find themselves shut out from social distinction and political power. Their aggrievement is another sign of impending revolution.The first steps in revolution are not clear to those involved. From the early transition from agitation to action, one uniformity is found among the four revolutions: in each the existing government tries to collect money from people who refuse to pay. Another uniformity in this early stage, is that two parties, one backing the old regime, and the other new and backing the revolution, now emerge, with the new winning a dramatic victory over the old regime. Backers of the new contend the uprising is a spontaneous affair of a united nation, while backers of the old regime contend these first steps are the fruition of a number of interlocking plots by small, determined groups of malcontents. The actuality lies between these extremes, as seeds sown by the malcontents find fertile soil in the greater populous.A final uniformity in these first stages arrives when the old authority is challenged by illegal acts of the revolutionaries. The authorities resort to force and fail to subdue the movement. Ultimately, the movement becomes a revolution only after the armed forces of the prevailing government are won over. These first stages of the revolution conclude after dramatic, rather than serious, bloodshed. Hope for a new era spreads: poverty will vanish and the lowest will begin the struggle of life on equal terms with the mightiest. Disparate groups weld together to rid their country of the old regime. The victory of ‘the people’ over ‘the oppressors’ looks promising. When the old regime is finally tossed out, the revolution becomes the government - and a whole new set of problems now present themselves.Before moving on, Brinton considers the type of person who becomes known as a revolutionist, or revolutionary. For persons regarding these persons negatively, the revolutionist type is one of odd personalities: failures in life, sufferers of inferiority complexes, envious of their betters, ornery disruptors on principle and by personal disposition. Conversely, for persons regarding revolutionists positively, they are a sturdy lot: broad shouldered, a steel worker, uncorrupted by the falsities of education, well versed in Marx, strong (usually all men), kindly, possessed of a warrior spirit, and imbued with a touch of poetry. These are the contrasting clichés. Brinton moves beyond the type, attempts to remain neutral in description, and realizes the type is in fact two types: moderates who dominate in the early stages, and extremists who dominate in the crisis stage.The rank and file revolutionaries are principally drawn not from the lowest or the highest classes, but from everything in between. It is the middle classes, successful merchants, farmers, and tradesmen who want more say in governance and find the gap between what they desire and what they can achieve intolerable. These are the persons who fill out the ranks of the active revolutionaries. They are not young either, but overwhelmingly of middle age.Leaders on the other hand - and not surprisingly - come from the higher classes: wealthy merchants, landowners, politicians, and above all the well educated. Although the rabble and riffraff may be employed to do the street fighting and building burning, the idea that they initiate, maintain, and develop the revolution is false.The revolutionist is not one of a single psychological type. A wholly contented man could take up the revolution, as contentment is subject to change at any moment. A shrewd, contented man may recognize enough discontents exist to forge a group to pursue a revolution. He could be a man, born on the top of society, but not content to stay there. People are apt to desert their class when they sense the revolution will prevail. Revolutionists could be fools, scoundrels, idealists, professional revolutionaries, diplomats, lunatics, cowards, or heroes - and many would never be heard from in normal times. Their talents may be as great orators, expert propagandists, organizers, men of practical abilities, or borderline psychopaths and criminals. Disputatious characteristics are common - contrary minded persons who love to stand out from a crowd and thrive on contention. However, if there is one type of perfect revolutionist, it would be that of the idealist, the incorruptible and virtuous man.Once the old regime has been overthrown, the moderate leaders emerge from the victors and spontaneously assume responsibility. It is evident, however, that there is little agreement on what to do to remake the country.. The moderates, composed of the richer, better known, and higher placed of the victors, turn out to have less discipline then it seemed when they were in the opposition. They are now faced with the tasks of reforming institutions, writing a new constitution, and taking care of the ordinary work of governing. They also may well be faced with external enemies.The moderates are realists; they do not truly believe in the rhetoric of the revolution. They are decent people, ill suited to battle simultaneously both extremists and external foes. Having control of the government becomes a liability. Little by little they are discredited for their failures, The radicals increasingly insist the moderates are trying to stop the revolution, and have betrayed it. The moderates cannot help avoid using exactly the same methods as the old regime to maintain power. As the extremists gain strength, they gain governmental power. These dual sovereigns struggle for dominance, inevitably leading to a decisive clash of force, in which the extremists triumph over the moderates. The moderates either must flee the country, face execution, or if they’re lucky, just fade back into the society. Power during the revolution moves from the right, to the center, and finally to the left. The revolution devours its own.The overthrow of the moderates and the accession of the extremists marks the beginning of the crisis stage (The Terror) - the fever has now arrived at full pitch. Where the moderates are weak, the extremists are strong. The moderates shared control of the institutions of government, but the extremist’s superior organization and readiness to exert force, oust any and all opposition. The extremists are in fact few in number. The small membership is one of the great sources of strength for the extremists. They are the committed, fanatical remainders. They see themselves as the true representatives of the better selves of their countrymen; they are the ‘reality,’ while the others are the ‘potentiality.’ The extremists put their disciplined skill to the realization of the revolutionary ends. Democratic ideals from the early stages are now forgotten and passed over, as extremists follow their leaders with great devotion. The extremists combine high ideals with complete contempt for the inhibitions and principles of past leaders. These ‘men of action,’ are willing to do whatever it takes to realize their ideals; willing to utilize terror to make their leadership. The most sincere extremist kills men - because he loves man. They become not philosopher-kings, but philosopher-killers.The transition to power for the extremists is not sudden. They are politically savvy and well adapted to their task in the unique environment of the crisis. Once in power, there is now no regard for the individual liberties or of constitutional legalities. Liberty is now only for those who deserve it. The large scale popular uprising devolves into legal maneuvers between the small surviving factions. All revolutionaries, in the moment when they take on actual responsibilities, become conservative, and no longer are they able to tolerate the lunatic fringes of their own movements. Conflicts in this stage of the crisis are settled by judicial murder.Although revolutions are remembered by the names of leaders, the characteristic form of supreme authority is that of committees. Actual administrators are usually inexperienced, often incompetent, and usually under a great deal of pressure to get results. The inefficiency of the revolutionary governments in the crisis period is clearly seen in their inept attempts to regulate and plan the economy of the state.The pervasiveness of the terror now leaves no one who can be indifferent to politics. The drama means different things to the many citizens on the outside on the revolutionary cult and the small band of orthodox believers on the inside. The ordinary outsider is not an actively hostile person, but the revolution is hard on him. Participation in numerous spectacles and celebrations are required - processions, festivals, and new totems are to be venerated. A mania for renaming everything from streets and buildings to cities and persons takes hold. The outsider becomes weary and even confused by all this, but most significantly there’s the strain and constant dread of never knowing if or when one might be haled into court as an enemy of the revolution.At its core, the revolution is puritanical and ascetic; it wishes to do a makeover on society, rid it of its vices and establish new virtues. Individual privacy comes under increasing pressure, as the revolution determines what are, and what are not legitimate activities and behaviors. During the crisis the revolution is forced fed, steaming hot, down the throats of the citizens. A saturation point of obsessive, large scale political propaganda is eventually reached; citizens push back and the revolutionary insiders learn to let their hot gruel cool a bit. Once this happens, the crisis of the revolution is over.To the dedicated insider, the one who never gives up, the revolution is a calling with a psychological satisfaction similar, if not identical to that of a religion. The insiders feel themselves to be members of a consecrated, monastic group. These orthodox, successful extremists are crusaders, fanatics, and ascetics. They are men intent on bringing heaven to earth. Their ‘creeds’ are deterministic, that is, what may come they believe is foreordained. The revolutionists seek to spread the gospel of their revolution, and they are the chosen people to whom the gospel has been revealed. They possess the “complete truth,” and to them, any toleration of differences is to allow for error, crime, and sin. Toleration cannot be tolerated. Opponents of the revolution are not merely political enemies, they are evil sinners that must be wiped out. After this dictatorship of the revolutionary government, after the purification of the citizenry, it is believed the perfect republic is to appear. A nationalism drives the early going, but the revolution’s “destiny” lies in internationalism. The chosen people have a “god” meant for all mankind, but it’s not a willing mankind. The revolutionist’s universal aspirations of a heaven - here, and now - ultimately remain nationalistic.From whence does the reign of terror come? No single, simple cause can be isolated to explain the violence of the crisis stage. Brinton identifies several uniformities that in greater or lesser degrees were factors in the revolutions studied. First, there is a habit of violence, sporadic outbreaks leading up to the terror establish the mood. Then there is the pressure of either a foreign or civil war, facilitating a rapid centralization of the revolutionary government. This is a new government, and conflicts between administrators arise. Also too, the revolution occurs at a time of acute economic crisis. In one form or another, class struggles play a role. The extremists are affected by all of the above, and power struggles that would have resolved peacefully in ordinary times, escalate to murderous intensity. And finally, the religious aspect: the reign of terror is also the reign of virtue. Heroic, desperate attempts are made to close the gap between human nature and human aspirations. All these elements feed on one and another; the effects are cumulative. Violence is the result.It seems, however, that large numbers of people can only tolerate so much interference in their daily existence. Humans cannot go on forever under the stimulus of an ideal. The tide of the revolution turns, a calm after the storm descends, the fever is broken and convalescence takes hold. Social systems re-balance, perversely and ironically unaffected by revolutionary good intentions.The convalescence period (The Thermidor) usually doesn’t have a sharp beginning, and like a fever in remission, it can flare up again in secondary reactions. These secondaries lack the same ideological fervor as the initial crisis. Politically, the significant uniformity is now the establishment of a tyrant. After the crisis, and the centralization of power, a strong leader emerges to handle the power after the energy has burned out. Gradually, the pressures of the crisis on the ordinary citizen relax. The politically ostracized begin to return. The most active and violent leaders from the crisis period are eliminated - by exile or by death - and they now serve as scapegoats for the excesses of the revolution.The new political classes are a motley lot of survivors, tame and unenterprising, but they are successful at getting the institutions and laws working again. Lifted in social status, the new ruling class settles down to do the best job possible, and to enjoy the pleasantries of life and wealth that ruling classes always have had. Gone too is the fervor behind any domestic or foreign wars that were being fought to spread the revolutionary gospel. An aggressive nationalism now replaces the once missionary, internationalist spirit.The extremists had developed a religion of their own: active, crusading, and intolerant. Now, with its dismissal, the traditional, recognized religions that had been supplanted, return to resume their previous place in society without much change from before. The return to the pleasure principle is also a rapid reaction, as the abandonment of the virtuous state becomes clear - as if the lid had been blow off the pressure cooker. There is in the years following the crisis a seesawing between moral restraint and moral looseness, with eventually an equilibrium attained that is not much different than the pre-revolutionary times.The phenomenon of reaction and restoration seems an inevitable process of revolution. In recent revolutions, the attempt is made to institute the “permanent revolution” - keeping the ordinary citizen forever keyed into the intensities, conformities, and perpetual participation in state ritual. But it too, is with little lasting effect. An equilibrium of compromised revolutionary ideals and societal demands is eventually achieved.If the resting state is that of societal equilibrium, and the study of revolution is a study of the forces pulling in opposite directions, then there must be the opposite: forces tending in the direction of stability. There are patterns of sentiments and behavior that are very slow to change. People tend to hold on to these sentiments and conform to set ways of doing things even after they have changed the ways they speak of them. It is not that nothing changes, but that ideas are not the magical keys for change. The ideas of revolution have performed the miracle of reconciling aspiring men to the failure of achieving heaven on earth. Additionally, the memory of the revolution becomes enshrined in the practices and rituals of the surviving nation state. The remade bills of rights, codes, and constitutions are in effect the charters of the new ruling classes. These new ruling classes are never quite brand new. They are an amalgam of survivors of the old privileged class, combined with individuals from the old suppressed classes. They are no longer revolutionaries, they are now rulers. All the studied revolutions were made in the name of freedom, directed against the tyranny of rule by the few. In the end, however, the revolutions promoted the efficiency of government over the right of individual freedom.From this study, there are three.major conclusions to be had. First, in spite of all the differences between the four revolutions studied, there are simple uniformities that correspond to the conceptual scheme of the fever: the preliminary symptoms, the initial onset, the full on fever, and the convalescence. Secondly, making the assumption that there is a logical connection between the words of men and their actual deeds, is not borne out by this study. Lastly, of the many things that people do - their habits, sentiments, and dispositions - these cannot be changed rapidly; law, terror, and exhortation fail and the convalescence after the revolution brings them back, not greatly altered.

WELL DONE

So much to be said about this book, especially in the times that we're living in.A highly educated with a high RQ (rationality quotient) this author's mind is a pure joy to visit.You can spare a couple of hours for this book. Highly worth it.

read this in the 8th grade. I'm over 70 years old now and is a basic read for all! Helps you understand what and how things work.

GOOD PRICE, A BIT MORE SUNBURNED THAN EXPECTED, SLOW DELIVERY. ALL IN ALL GOOD EXPERIENCE.

Great digest, a classic. Came in good condition. I personally think the author jumps around a bit & leaves out quite a bit of facts that would conflict with his conclusions. But none-the-less it's a good book, that gives a basis for talking about these things.

I have read and reread this great little book year after year. It certainly helps explain a lot of history, changes in history, and how things change, the dynamics of that change. I go back to it after reading a WWI history or 18th Century history, and have gone through and lent out more copies than I care to count. Glad to have another copy and wish it were on ebook so I could easily keep it around.

A great and fast read. If you're a voracious reader, there is no reason you cannot clear this in a day or two. I highly recommend this book.

This is not an easy read. I had to read it a chapter at a time. But a fabulous analysis of revolutions and what caused them.

good