When Christians Were Jews: The First Generation

I was amazed at the scholarly depth and insight of author Paula Fredriksen's "Augustine and the Jews." I gave her more recent "Paul: The Pagan's Apostle" top marks in my Amazon review. However, this book left me unimpressed in terms of its insights and scholarship.As an initial observation, I purchased the book thinking that it would describe the shadowy period when Jews who adhered to the Christian movement - the "Assembly" in Fredriksen's terminology - were still part of Jewish synagogues, specifically, the period from approximately the crucifixion to around the early years of the second century. I thought we might get some insights from Fredriksen about how Jews and Christians cohabited and eventually went in their different directions.What this book turned out to be was mostly a reimagining of Christian history during the time encompassed by the Gospels and Acts with some references to what Fredriksen believes must have happened after the destruction of the Temple in 70 AD, which turns out mostly to involve a retrojection of that historical event back into the life of Jesus. We really don't get much in the way of the cohabitation of the Assembly and Jews or of the events that drove the two kinds of Jews apart. So, insofar as this book did not actually address that period of time - when Christians were Jews - this book was a kind of lost opportunity.I also had problems with Fredriksen's approach to history. Her primary texts are the Gospels, Acts, some letters of Paul and the writings of Josephus. However, she gives herself permission to simply excise passages from New Testament texts where they are inconvenient to her thesis. For example, Fredriksen argues that trials before Pilate and the Sanhedrin make no sense to her narrative and, so, she simply rules them out of existence. Fredriksen could be correct in this, of course, but shouldn't a historian be more protective of historical material?Likewise, Fredriksen offers the reader the notion that Jesus's post-resurrection appearances lasted for "years" until finally coming to an end for no particular reason. The standard model is that Jesus's post resurrection appearances lasted from the Resurrection until the Ascension with a final one sometime later to Paul. If Paul's experience was "years" later, then it might be technically correct to say that the appearances occurred over a period of "years," but Fredriksen is implying something different; she is implying that the appearances went on for years, rather than in an intense initial period of around a month. she writes:"The period of the resurrection appearances, in other words, was exactly that: an extended period of time, years in fact, though we cannot from our disparate sources say exactly how long."This is not an incidental matter; Fredriksen's theory is that the failure of Christ to appear put Christ's disciples into a state of cognitive dissonance which resulted in them inventing their mission to bring the gospel to the world. Fredriksen writes:"This combination of the decreasing frequency and, finally, the cessation of Jesus’ posthumous appearances, together with the persistent nonarrival of the Kingdom, might have ended the movement then and there."Again, maybe it could have happened this way, but where is the evidence for "decreasing frequency"? The gospels describe a short period of intense appearances, a definite end, and one appearance to Paul as a sui generis event. Certainly, one can speculate about a years-long process with fewer and fewer appearances as the fad wears off, but this approach remains speculative. Once we toss out the documentary evidence, there is about as much evidence for Fredriksen's narrative as there is for a narrative that argues that the whole story was made up after the fact.Fredriksen's basic thesis is that Jesus was a fairly conventional apocalyptic prophet. Jesus preached the coming of God's kingdom for an unspecified number of years. He was well-known to the authorities in Jerusalem. Jesus's preaching of the coming of the Kingdom put the urban mobs in a state of high expectation during Jesus's last visit to Jerusalem. In order to "calm down' the mobs, Pilate had his guard arrest Jesus. Pilate then had Jesus crucified to send a message to the crowds that Jesus was most definitely not their expected king. Thereafter, in their state of high expectation, and suffering cognitive dissonance that Jesus would not be re-establishing the Kingdom, Jesus's follower's experienced appearances of Jesus which gradually declined. During this time, they reinterpreted Jesus's message to include the destruction of the Temple and gave Jesus a Davidic ancestry. Paul "divinizes" Jesus as a lesser divine being, but does not radically divinize Jesus as one with the Father. The disciples wait around Jerusalem and while they were waiting, the disciples decided that it was better to do something while waiting, so they began their outreach to the gentiles. There was no Jewish persecution of Christians - which is to say Jews of the Assembly. There was at most voluntarily accepted Jewish correction of divergent members of the community who attracted attention.And the rest is history.Concerning the issue of Jesus's divinity, Fredriksen writes:"Paul, importantly, never claims that Jesus is a god. The closest he comes is to say that Jesus was “in the form of [a] god” before he appeared “in the likeness of men.” Capitalizing “God” throughout this passage in Paul’s letter, the Revised Standard Version mistranslates it. Paul’s world contained both God, the chief biblical deity, and gods, such as those represented by the nonhuman “knees” in this same passage in Philippians 2: they will bend to the victorious returning Christ and to God the Father. Jesus is not “God.” He is, however, a divine mediator; a human being (anthrōpos), though “from heaven.” (What James, Jesus’ brother, would have made of such claims I have no idea.) Jesus becomes radically divinized— as much god as God the Father— only during the imperially sponsored episcopal councils of the fourth and fifth centuries, a period when the (now Christian) emperor was also (still) considered divine. Back in the mid-first century, when Christians were Jews, Jesus was high on the cosmic gradient, but he was nonetheless human. Our current categories of “humanity” and “divinity” do not stretch in these ways. Theirs did."Fredriksen crafts her narrative in some surprising ways. For example, she favors John's gospel on a variety of issues. Thus, Fredriksen accepts the Gospel of John's testimony to the number of years that Jesus was active and the number of trips he made to Jerusalem. She also accepts at least John's version of the timing of the statements that Jesus made concerning the moneychangers in the temple.The reason she favors John is that it is important to her that Pilate and the temple priests knew that Jesus was not really a rebel and was not a threat to the established order. Thus, the temple priests had no real reason to seek Jesus's death, and they were too involved in Passover activities to be able to spend any time in all the back and forth of trials and crucifixion. This puts the blame on Pilate, who knew that Jesus was a peaceful teacher and not an agitator. Moreover, because Jesus's teachings were known from his prior trips to Jerusalem, Pilate and the High Priests did not have to try Jesus and there was no opportunity for the crowd scenes that are attested to in the gospels.It could have happened this way, of course, but the problem is that I didn't find the excising of so much of the gospel text to be particularly convincing. Then, again, I have to reflect on Fredriksen's personal biases. She is a Catholic who has converted to Judaism and has made many comments critical of what she finds to be anti-Jewish attitudes in, or read into, the New Testament. The burden of her decisions about what to accept from the New Testament seems to favor a reading that distances Jews - high priests or the average man - from the Crucifixion.Some of Fredriksen's speculation was interesting. Her idea that the disciples congregated in Jerusalem in the expectation of Christ's imminent return and they wanted to be where the action was going to happen makes a lot of sense. Other proposals that she makes are worth considering.However, on the whole, I was disappointed by how unsophisticated and shallow Fredriksen's analysis was. Fredriksen starts from the proposition that Jesus was obviously merely an apocalyptic preacher whose crucifixion started a movement that changed history. From that assumption, her task is simply a matter of telling a "just so" story about disappointment, cognitive dissonance and retrojecting future events into the historical Jesus. Fredriksen's approach may be accurate but I didn't find it convincing or interesting.Many times, Fredriksen missed the opportunity to provide something of interest to those who don't start from her assumptions. For example, Fredriksen writes "If these pagans were baptized into the Jesus movement, however, they could no longer worship their native gods, the gods of their families and of their cities."This is true so far as it goes, but not that pagans were not merely baptized into the Jesus movement; they were baptized into the Jesus movement in the "name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit." This baptismal formula goes all the way back to the beginning of the movement. If Fredriksen is correct about Paul not divinizing Jesus as God, then who was the Son and why is the Son given an equal status with that of the Father by first century Jews?We don't hear a word about this, unfortunately, but it seems that it would shed light on the time "when Christians were Jews."I was torn between giving this two or three stars. I think there might be something of interest for other people here, but this book does not live up to Ms. Fredriksen's prior works.

Provides a clear understanding of our most important and puzzling questions....why the mission of the Jewish Jesus followers changed and expanded over time and how and why the conception of Jesus changed from prophet, to Davidic messiah, to divinity.By placing this and many other questions in historical context and the context of the development of Christianity and pre Christianity over time a great deal becomes clear.The writing is crystal clear and understandable for all those active in the Jewish community and essential for those involved in interfaith dialogue and action. It will be helpful to interfaith couples trying to understand the roots of each others faiths. It will be my primary recommendation for Jews and Christians trying to understand our beginnings.

Paula Fredriksen’s short new book When Christians Were Jews: The First Generation (Yale University Press, 2018) is a succinct account of and contextualization of the events that followed the agonizing public death by crucifixion of the historical Jesus of Nazareth – an agonizing form of public punishment that the Romans used to execute insurrectionists, because they had a zero-tolerance policy against insurrection and wanted to deter it. No, nothing has come down to us that indicates that the historical Jesus was an insurrectionist. On the contrary, he was urging passive resistance to the Roman Empire. However, at the time of the Passover in Jerusalem, certain people evidently expressed their exuberant enthusiasm for him, which apparently made the local Roman authorities nervous. Consequently, out of an abundance of caution, he was executed publicly under the authority of Puntius Pilate. In a nutshell, this is the argument that Fredriksen makes in her book Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews: A Jewish Life and the Emergence of Christianity (Knopf, 1999), which she refers to in her short new 2018 book.Now, Fredriksen’s short new book When Christians Were Jews: The First Generation includes the following parts: a prologue (pages 1-6), five chapters (pages 7-182), and an epilogue (pages 183-191), followed by acknowledgments (pages 193-194), a timeline (pages 195-198), notes (pages 199-227), bibliography (pages 229-238), an index of names and places (pages 239-244), an index of ancient documents and authors (pages 245-255), and an index of subjects (pages 256-261).In the prologue (pages 1-6), Fredriksen says, “When Christians Were Jews tells the story of [“the men and women of Jesus’ community gathered in Jerusalem”]. It will be, of necessity, a tale of two cities, Jerusalem and Rome. Long before the Jewish rebels incited the War [of 66-73 C.E., in which the Romans decimated Jerusalem], Rome had maintained a strong presence in Judea: had things been otherwise, Jesus of Nazareth would not have died by crucifixion” (page 5).In chapter one, “Up to Jerusalem” (pages 7-42), Fredriksen says, “Judea – and Judea alone – was placed under Roman provincial rule [in 6 C.E.]. No Roman authority presided over the Galilee” – where Jesus of Nazareth taught, according to the synoptic gospels (page 19). Fredriksen also says, “[The Apostle] Paul writes before 70. . . . Mid-first century, then, on the topic of the temple, Paul’s thinking is not ‘either/or’ but ‘both/and.’ God’s spirit dwells BOTH in Jerusalem’s temple AND in the ‘temple’ of the believer and of the community” (page 28; my capitalizations replace her italics; also see page 141; for a related point of interest about God dwelling in the temple of the believer and of the community, see Fredriksen’s quotation from Lk. 17:22 on page 93).In Fredriksen’s 2018 book, she frequently refers to her far more detailed 2017 book about the Apostle Paul, Paul: The Pagans’ Apostle (Yale University Press).In chapter two of her 2018 book, “God’s Holy Mountain” (pages 43-73), Fredriksen examines the episode involving the character named Jesus and the money-changers at the temple in Jerusalem as portrayed in Mark’s and John’s Gospels (Mk. 11:15-17; Jn. 2:13-16). Fredriksen says, “The temple fell in 70 C.E. All of the evangelists wrote after 70 C.E.” (page 51).In chapter three, “From Miracle to Mission” (pages 74-107), Fredriksen makes excellent use of the idea of cognitive dissonance (pages 75, 100, and 103; also see pages 132-133, and 184). She says, “Cognitive dissonance in this way ceded to scriptural affirmation. . . . [B]y retrofitting these biographical incidents to themes, images, and prophecies in traditional [Jewish] scriptures, his earliest followers grounded Jesus’ mission and message in sacred history” (page 103).In chapter four, “Beginning from Jerusalem” (pages 108-143), Fredriksen says that “David the king was also, even preeminently, David the warrior” (page 113). Consequently, in the spirit of creative interpretation, the followers of Jesus borrowed David-the-warrior/king imagery for their scenario of the Second Coming of Jesus as the warrior/king. Fredriksen also says, “The flames of Jerusalem in the year 70 backlit the later evangelists’ passion narratives, and the speeches that Luke gives to ‘Peter’ and to others in Acts. These New Testament writers explain the fall of the city and of its temple by moving priests, representatives of the now defunct temple, and the city’s residents into the narratives’ foreground. Their explanation for the catastrophe is brief and, from their perspective, powerful: Jerusalem feel because Jerusalem rejected Jesus. By the time they write, post-destruction, there is no community in Jerusalem left to complicate or to challenge their view” (page 127). Creative interpretation.In chapter five, “The Ends of the Ages” (pages 144-182), Fredriksen says, “The end came in August 70 C.E. Titus’s troops, enraged by the rigors of the campaign, poured into the city [Jerusalem] with iron and fire. Fighting was brutal and bitter. In the course of this bloody confusion, a soldier set the edges of the [temple’s] sanctuary aflame. Ultimately, the whole temple compound would be engulfed” (page 182).In the epilogue (pages 183-191), Fredriksen says, “All of these New Testament texts are often read as antagonistic to Jews and to Judaism. I think that this is due, again, to the long shadow of later Christian anti-Judaism, cast backward” (page 186).For a history of Christian anti-Judaism, see James Carroll’s book Constantine’s Sword: The Church and the Jews: A History (Houghton Mifflin, 2001).

I give Paula Fredriksen's book five stars. I love a book that shakes me up and disturbs my complacency. As an Orthodox Christian there is much in her book that challenges my belief system. I read the book in two days and am now studying it more carefully. Paula places the origins of Christian movement within Judaism and in particular Second Temple Judaism which was far more diverse and radically apocalyptic than is popularly conceived by Christians living to-day. Her reconstruction of the life of the first Jerusalem assembly of Jewish Christians is nothing less than brilliant. She brings the vibrant apostolic community to life.

I began reading this book in the hope that it would increase my knowledge of first generation believers in Jesus. I have given the book three stars because it contains historical data and narrative which many will find useful. However the examination of Gospel Theology is shallow and arguments to support the ideas the author advances are very questionable. There are attempts made to harmonise Paul's Gospel with that of Jesus and his Disciples which don't work, and there are attempts to create division between Jesus and other Second Temple Jewish expressions of faith which scholarly authors would reject. On theological matters there is a constant sea-sawing between what some scholars would claim and what others would reject with no clarity reached as to what may be correct, and for what reason. I'm sure some will find the book very helpful and interesting but I found it frustrating because I kept coming across claims which were questionable.

Disappointing. Scholastically inadequate.