Can Russia Modernise?: Sistema, Power Networks and Informal Governance null Edition

For me, this was a rare book that actually surprised me with a new way of thinking about Russian politics and business. I am used to every piece of analysis being a variation on a zero sum game: whether the material is Russian or US-created, all media reports talk about "Putin won because he did this," or "opposition won/lost because they did that"...Instead, this book speaks of power as being a series of interconnected, informal, personal networks -- a truism everywhere (I think). The difference in Russia is that the interplay between these informal networks ("sistema") and the formal channels of power codified by law are more nuanced than a typical observer is prepared to deal with when doing serious analysis. The author's point is that being in charge is not the same as being, "in charge," and leaders are captured by the informal systems that brought them to power. The assertion seems to be that people like Putin are powerful because of their networking ability -- and his skills at leveraging and playing off his various networks are a critical factor to his continuing power -- but that these networks also constrain him because he cannot move against the people who support him most strongly. The same can be said in Russian business interactions, and throughout the various hierarchies in Russian life, today. An extension of the "us/them" theme many other authors posit (you always want to be "svoi"). The author here points out the ambiguous consequences of being "one of us", and shows that not all of the consequences are positive to the individual.The book is very thought provoking, and the author uses the different chapters to highlight informal power structures in action, using well-known examples and putting them in a new light. Highly recommended reading if you do work in/with Russia.

I read this as the first of several books on modern Russia that I ordered. I have not traveled to Russia per se, but I have traveled numerous times to Moldova and the Ukraine. Having married a Ukrainian I have some personal interest in the development of that part of the world. Ledeneva's writing reflects her background as far as I can tell, and the book which is extremely well researched reads as I imagine a thesis might. The question posed by the title is answered although it is not straightforward. In a nutshell what saddens me is that the short, and shorter term answer is, no, it cannot. The present leadership is and the population are still very much captive of their history and cultural habits. What is hopeful for what should be a great country is that outside influences are slowly changing the ideas and thinking of those exposed to them and thus providing a means to escape what I can only term a type of historical bondage. All in all it is a book worth reading for those who seek a better understanding of what the people of that country and that region are struggling with in order to survive and build a better life for themselves.

I am Russian, and I did not like this book for several reasons. Same time, I believe it can be educative to some degree for non-Russian readers.First, in my opinion, the book misses the point of answering the question, mentioned in its title. It is like an anecdote - Mice! You have to become a hedgehogs to prevent other animals attacks on you! Wow! Great idea! But how?.. I do not know, it is tactics, and I am the strategist - there is useless answer in the book, like all Russians have to become responsible and not to use informal networks and after that it will be happiness for all of them. That's all.Second, the analysis is done on the stand-alone basis, she looks at the political practice as at self-sufficient thing, which has no context or direction, and it seems extremely strange for me. In example, you will not be able to find in the book at least the attempt to identify Putin's politics targets, and the means of their achievement, where organization design (inner circles etc) is the part of them. Meanwhile, all people whom she interviewed, have a lot of reasons for certain way of doing, and the system, or "sistema" - whatever!, has evolved significantly due to change in targets, org.design, procedures for resources distribution and limitations.Third, author quotes some anonymous people, without having her own experience of being presented in Russian Power Authorities. It means that she can not always read the messages, those were delivered by interviewed people - was it true or lie. Maybe that is the major reason of loosing the context of what she tells about.Finally, book covers just a little of primary source of that power in Russia, the reasons for the power being as it is in Russia - the values those exist in society. The values, beliefs and traditions. So, if you read this book, try constantly asking yourself - "why does it happen?, what was historical logic behind that?", when you find a shocking passage. Understanding the reasons of some practices, described in the book, could be even more important and educative than just following offered analysis.And absolutely too wordy, be prepared.

Ledeneva's subject is difficult to assess because it concerns the invisible power networks at play in Russian politics and society. She has excellent contacts from within the system - as it is so known - who lift the lid on the subtleties of how these informal influences work. Her conclusions are not just relevant for in the Russian context but applies to any system with weak formal networks: law, governance, institutions etc...and how 'personal' relationships are used to compensate for this lack but also crucially undermine it. Her ambivalence to the merits of 'systema' articulates the difficulty of thinking outside this structure and illustrates how difficult it will be for Russia to adopt transparent European market mechanisms.

Ce livre universitaire, centré sur l’analyse des réseaux en Russie, comporte une perle en page 45 : « IL FAUT PARTIR DES RESEAUX POUR COMPRENDRE LES INSTITUTIONS ».Ce qui confirme l’analyse d’Hannah ARENDT sur le Totalitarisme comme société secrète au grand jour. Mais ce livre ne comporte pas de liens avec l’analyse du Totalitarisme.Si l’ouvrage fait référence à ZIMBARDO, il ne relie pas à MILGRAM et au syndrome de Stockholm, ni à l’éthologie du rapport dominants-dominés et du parasitisme parasitoïde.L’ouvrage ne tranche pas sur la question de fond : le système est-il uniquement épicurien/hédoniste/corrompu ou également pervers nécrophile (double langage, narcissisme, létalité, crimes de guerre…) ? En page 32, la stabilité et l'absence de risque sont présentées comme des priorités du système, ce qui est contradictoire par la classification de POUTINE comme inconscient du danger à son entrée au KGB. Y-a-t-il simplement gestion cynique de la terreur ou addiction au massacre, à la groznysation ? L'ouvrage mentionne par contre explicitement, page 30, le double lien, le double bind paradoxal avec interdiction de commenter, avec un exemple succulent : « Si j’avais souhaité que tu suives mon ordre écrit, je t’aurais téléphoné. » L’ordre écrit, à ne pas suivre, suspend une épée de Damoclès punitive, l’exécution de l’ordre oral garantit la loyauté et le système lui-même reste tacite.L’ouvrage ne mentionne pas de liens avec le crime organisé à l’inverse de Karen DAWISHA pages 67, 132, 138-140, 285, dans « Putin’s kleptocraty ».On se pose la question : pourquoi une rigidité de plus en plus punitive (cf la prise en main en cours d’internet), un mouvement de type « L’ordre règne à Varsovie », au lieu de la souplesse du Black List ? La seule réponse paraît être la dictature à vie.Autre question : les liens judiciaires multiples avec Londres présentés sont-ils un test du repli de sécurisation juridique (et financière) ultime ?Des éléments clés du livre sont :•page 31 : la clé du Totalitarisme est d’induire cf la conformité nazie à la pensée d’HITLER pour agir.•pages 51, 57, 58 : organigrammes du pouvoir avec mise en place d’une féodalité héréditaire.•page 80 : 3 origines du clan POUTINE 1°) St Petersburg, 2°) juristes, 3°) KGB/FSB.•page 81 : rôle de 3 universités, 2 de Moscou et 1 de St Petersburg.•page 89 : POUTINE « C’est à la base qu’il y a le plus de corruption. ».•page 95 : l’ennemi n°1 est l’indépendance d’esprit, ce qui confirme Michel TERESTCHENKO dans « Un si fragile vernis d’humanité ».•page 98 : les classes moyennes sont issues de la corruption.•page 99 : tarifs d’achat de lois de convenance.•page 100 : 2,4 Mds/an de racket sur les entreprises de Moscou par les organismes de contrôle.•page 101 : 75% de pots-de-vin sur le secteur IT.•page 102 : achat de contrôle fiscal pour 1 concurrent 50 000$.•page 103 : système pyramidal de corruption abouti.•page 111 : tarifs des postes assurant l’immunité judiciaire (gouverneur, Douma, etc…).•page 113 : spoliation de Shell à Sakhaline.•page 152 : une juge fait appel à la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme suite à sa mise à l’écart par une chef qui a induit 17 démissions.•page 165 : adresses de sites web sur HERMITAGE et MAGNITSKY.•page 166 : le maire de Moscou a gagné plus de 50 procès en diffamation.•page 183 : coût du procureur de Russie 2 M$.•page 184 : assassinats.•page 188 : conflit SECHIN/ZOLOTOV.•page 190 : 70 000 raids/an sur des entreprises surtout à Moscou, dans l’Oural et le Nord-Ouest.•page 191 : spoliation via la prison.•page 194 : une économie de spoliation ne peut pas fonctionner.•page 194 : 80% des raids sur les entreprises sont effectués avec une aide officielle, 100% au-delà d’une valeur de 30 M$.•page 203 mort du patron de Motorola Russie.•page 236 : POUTINE garant de la corruption.•page 240 : parasitisme.•page 255 : we have to lead the country induit we have to leave the country.L’ouvrage de Alena V.LEDEVENA, de forme très universitaire, complète utilement les ouvrages de KASPAROV, BEN JUDAH et DAWISHA. L’ouvrage de DAWISHA reste le meilleur, le plus dense.

This is the finest analysis of Russian politics in the recent scholar litterature. If you want to understand how informal practices influence the Russian power and how do it operate within formal frames, you must read this work.Very relevant. Hope this will be translated in French, or at least several chapters. It must be red in France.